The child and the family: interdependence in developmental pathways
Request PDF on ResearchGate | Interdependence and the Interpersonal Sense of Control: An Analysis of Family Relationships | Family members' their ability to influence one another were investigated in 51 2-parent, 2-child families. relationship between attachment patterns and identity development, and risk taking. ecological problems, including the role of parent-child relationship. In order to deal with ongoing marked by adolescents achieving identity and independence; thereby the parents' behavior and describe a coherent pattern. Lewin's (). the interdependence between parent–child and marital relationships parent– child relationships are important subsys- tems, each of tionship quality. Although these patterns have play more essential roles than fathers in the parent–child.
Is the "sensitivity" of a parent a characteristic which helps to compensate this inequality? Over time, during the development of the child, communication is subject to change depending on children's developmental status and parents' assessments of this status. For a long time, however, during a period when systemic and action-theoretical concepts were integrated into more and more elaborate concepts of family functioning, developmental issues of children growing up in the family context were not duely considered.
Thus, researchers like Kantor and Lehr with their combination of systems- and action theory and their attempt to emphasize regulation of closeness and distance among family members by their use of space, time, and energy within the family boundaries, classified families only as timeless units.
By the same token, change patterns did not come into focus when David Reiss described and categorized families according to their "paradigm", that is, their specific mode to perceive, interpret, and master critical conditions. Reiss' model did not yet appropriately take into account varying phases in family life according to the children's development but elaborate families' different modes to deal with non-normative transitions, that is, how families reorganize their own functioning to accomplish the task of survival during a state of uncertainty.
In contrast to Kantor and Lehr, however Reiss established a model of family functioning which focused on the process of adaptation to maintain the family as a working unit during crises and non-normative transitions. It is a dynamic approach and insofar a model for analyzing normative transitions during development.
Developing Interdependence in Children
Both approaches, the model of Kantor and Lehr as well as that of Reiss take families as units which can be characterized by their specific everyday routines, by their rituals, and problem solving strategies in critical situations.
As such, each family and its particular way to maintain motivation and meaning among its members can be interpreted as representing a particular "culture", a kind of unit which produces common modes to communicate about the world outside and to evaluate experiences.
The family and its role for the transmission of culture The transmission of aggregated knowledge from one generation to the next in the family constitutes a core concept in the cycle of the development of culture. This argument has been already proposed, for example, by Giambattista Vico during the times of Enlightenment. Here, the concept of family is associated with a relationship-oriented view on human beings and their ability to accumulate knowledge over generations and to establish a canon of common values and norms, that is, culture.
According to new comparative research, it seems as if the accumulation of culture represents indeed a critical topic when specifics in human development compared to developmental processes in other species are considered. A marked difference, for example, is claimed for the development during the first two years of life in human beings compared to chimpanzees. Carpenter, Nagell, and Tomasello have drawn the following conclusions from the results of their investigations comparing human infants with chimpnazees: Certainly, young infants are cultural beings from the beginning in the sense that their development takes place within a particular cultural context that influences many aspects of their cognitive development.
But it is only with the emergence of the kinds of social-cognitive abilites that we have investigated here that they become able to tune in to other persons and their cognitive skills directed to outside entities, that is, in a way that fosters acquisition of the conventional use of cultural artefacts such as tools and language - which then serve to mediate their subsequent interactions with their environments in cognitively meaningful ways. This is the essence of the process of enculturation The uniqueness of the human adaptation for culture is also brought into stark relief when a comparison is made to our nearest primate relatives.
Although there are population differences in the behavior of, for example, different groups of chimpanzees, these primates may be said to have culture in only an extended sense of that term. The reason that they have not created cultures of the human kind is that it appears as though they do not understand their conspecifics as intentional agents like themselves who experience the world in ways similar to the ways in which they themselves do.
At the same time, it should be borne in mind that even within the same family patterns of communication and interaction may vary considerably during the course of children's development. Associated with the offspring's changing needs and skills as well as social competencies across the developmental period, the family runs through a series of critical periods which have been described as stages of "family development" Duvall,in which family members, both parents and children, have to mutually adapt to new demands and duties.
For example, the family's constitution after the birth of a child is a first critical period when the established marital relationship has to be transformed. Coping with these challenges such as establishing a parental aside from the marital relationship between the two partners in the young family is considered to represent the accomplishment of "family tasks", a concept created by Duvall in analogy with Havighurst's concept of "developmental tasks", a series of demands a child has to fulfill during development.
During critical periods in family development, members negotiate, revalue, reconstruct, and interpret transformations in everyday discussions. Here, the concept of Reiss' model seems to function as a useful template for describing the process of family transition.
When children do not show major deviations from expected behaviors during stable phases of their development, open regulations of rules and conflicts about the child's proper conduct normally remain at a minimum level. However, during periods of developmental change, new needs and demands have to be integrated in the family's lifestyle and canon of rules.
During these transition periods, the threat of sanctions for rule transgression and then transformations of these rules becomes a frequent issue. Particularly during the first two years, when the infant develops basic sensorimotoric and social skills and begins to explore the world around him or her, as well as during the transition from childhood to adolescence, when children demand changes in family rules and more autonomy, intergenerational discussions about proper conduct become a relevant topic in family communication.
Some specific developmental issues Activity of babies, infant-caregiver relationship, and the growing role of the family in early developmental research The quality of relationship between infant and mother as well as between infant and father moved to the center of interest during the late sixties and seventies, when the impact of parental influence on the child's course of development was addressed on the one hand, and the infant's own activity in regulating a relationship was observed on the other Bell, ; Escalona, ; Rheingold, Infancy research began to focus on everyday interactions between mothers and children showing the mutuality in early communications.
However, a series of studies documented that communication patterns in mother-child dyads do not represent the entire spectrum of infants' early experiences. Quite different communication patterns between parent and infant could be registered, when fathers were observed in interaction with their children during play Lamb,; Pedersen, Furthermore, mother-child interactions showed variations depending on the fact whether fathers were present in the situation or not.
In his integrated and interdisciplinary approach, Belsky suggested to apply a holistic strategy for family research. According to the systems analogy he assumed mutual influences between the three relationships in one-child families: Impact of parental socialization activities at critical developmental stages during infancy In one of our own studies dealing with family development Kreppner, we focused on the detailed observation of parent-child interaction and communication during the first two years after the birth of a second child.
Under a family developmental perspective, it was assumed that parents on the one hand have to reorganize their interaction and communication modes with the second child according to this child's rapid developmental progressions, to integrate this child into the already existing canon of interaction and communication modalities on the other. Thus, particularly during the child's transition to an active social interacting individual, at about months, parents are expected to intensify their activities of transmitting cultural rules and norms.
By the same token, verbal instruction is increased when parents realize that the child is beginning to understand language between 12 and 16 months see figures 1 and 2. These trends mirror a basic change in socialization practices in the family during a critical developmental period.
The trajectories of frequencies representing socialization activities in the family over time illustrate the abrupt onset of parents' regulating activities when the infant has arrived at a new developmental stage of communicative competence. Parents obviously realize the child's increasing tendency to actively test parents' emotional reactions to his or her object manipulations; and they also react to their offspring's growing ability to understand single words or instructions.
When the child is about 16 months old, parental regulating activities reach their peak. After this, control and rule transmission activities slowly decrease towards the end of the second year. Both frequency curves signal major transitions in parental behavior toward the child during the time, when fundamental social-emotional progressions can be observed.
Seen from a differential perspective, these changes are good candidates for magnifying family-specific modes to handle transition periods Kreppner, This example has shown general changes in behavior patterns characterizing the parent-child relationship during the time of a family's constitution, a series of other studies have touched upon the young couples difficulties to get along with each other during this period. The quality of relationships between the partners during pregnancy was found to be the crucial factor for both parents' and the child's well-being during the transition period from partners to parents.
The higher the quality of the marital relationship during pregnancy, the better was the couple's coping with the stress to care for the child during the first months after birth. The role of parents as models for everyday management of exchange between family members, for the production of meaning, and for activities to create a specific quality of relationships within the family is manifest for every child.
Numerous studies have shown that marital functioning is important for a child's course of development during infancy and childhood. Moreover, exact observations of differences in mothers' and fathers' parenting styles have created new insights into possible consequences for a child's differential pathway. It is not the difference per se between two parental models which may have a negative influence but the lack of parents' mutual support and acceptance of their different ways to handle the child.
Belsky, Crnic, and Gable demonstrated that a consistent and supportive pattern of coparenting proved to be a relevant aspect for children's coping ability in stressful situations. A meta-analysis conducted by Erel and Burman also revealed direct influences between the quality of the marital relationship and the quality of the child's relationship with the parents. This analysis of quite a number of different studies disclosed wide support for the spillover hypothesis, that is, that transfer exists between one sub-system in the family e.
However, when concrete moderators of this transfer were debated, no clear results could be found. Parents and child are expected to change their communication patterns over time Hill, particularly when conflicts between the generations are to be regulated. Broderick and Smith gave an excellent example for such regulations and, in addition, for the course of changes in family rules and negotiations techniques during this adaptation process, when parents, in the end, give way to their child's growing protest against household chores like cleaning up the room.
In general, discussions in parent-child dyads may show an increment in those communication patterns which indicate a more adult-like exchange patterns during the transition period. Frequencies for parental communication styles like "teaching" or "giving attention" went down during the three and a half year period, whereas frequencies for behaviors like "negotiation" or "exchange of statements", that is, affirmation of one's own position, increased see figures 3 and 4.
As to nonverbal communication changes in the parent-child dyad, the degree of high closeneness shown by both parents during the first year of our data collection when the children were about 11,6 years old decreased considerably when the children had reached the age of fifteen years see figure 5. Astonishing enough, there were also changes over time in the mother-father exchanges without the child present.
For example, the exchange of statements in discussion reached a peak when the child was 13 years old see figure 6but also the degree of tension between the parents was highest in their discussions at that time see figure 7.
Elements of conversations in the family such as challenging statements, supporting or discouraging remarks characterize two different patterns, enabling and disabling communication patterns, which are believed to be highly relevant for the development of different selves.
In our longitudinal observational study with families and their adolescent children, we focused not only on general change trends but also on adolescents' experiences of differential communication patterns during the transition period. Applying cluster analysis Ward,we could identify three clusters which were labelled as groups containing adolescents who have a "secure", "habitual", or "ambivalent" relationship with their parents see Kreppner,for details.
The most striking result for different communication behaviors within the family was found for those two groups in which adolescents had given consistently diverging assessments about the quality of the relationship with the parents as being either "secure" or "ambivalent". For the "secure" adolescents, paternal communication behavior varied considerably over time with regard to specific aspects like the use of statements in discussions with the child, that is, exchange of different opinions without a common solution, or of an exchange mode embedded in an egalitarian context.
For the "ambivalent" adolescents, fathers in their discussion behaviors did not show such variations during the transition period see figures 8 and 9. Another marked difference between the two groups secure and ambivalent adolescents is indicated by the emotional climate during the discussions, between parents and children as well as between the two parents. The category "high closeness" describes how discussion partners produce the climate which either fosters or impedes the flux of verbal exchanges.
The consistent differences in frequency distributions between the two groups of families in the mother-adolescent, father-adolescent, and mother-father dyad impressively show the dissimilar worlds of communication in which adolescents may grow up see figures 1011and In sum, parent-adolescent relationships do undergo some changes during the passage from childhood to adulthood and it could be shown in a few examples that families run through this transition period with different adaptive skills.
Families do not only show divergent patterns of communication when dealing with transition problems but also differ in their flexibility to adapt to their children's changing demands for more autonomy and adult communication.
Moreover, they also produce different qualities of emotional closeness in the family when discussing mundane issues in their everyday exchanges.
The impact of the quality of marital relationship for adolescent development In a longitudinal study, Feldman, Fisher, and Seitel have shown that marital satisfaction during the child's adolescence was an important predictor of subsequent emotional and physical health of children six years later. From this perspective, it seems worthwhile to study a family's microcosm in its many details at specific transition periods in the family life cycle. As conflictual parent-parent relationships have been shown to produce spill-over effects for parent-child relationships, that is, tensions in the marital relationship produce a malfunctioning parent-child relationship, children's and adolescents' behaviors after divorce cannot solely be attributed to the act of divorce alone.
Rather, impairment in development evolves as a product of children's experiences in their families long before parents finally separate, as these children grow up in the context of a deteriorating parent-parent relationship. Moreover, academic achievement and antisocial behavior appear also to be strongly influenced by family status Zill, Conclusions and a look into the future A perspective on family communication emphasizing its function for the child's mastering of developmental transitions Families are not just well-established groups of individuals with a kind of robust and never-changing set of intragroup relationships.
On the contrary, families are more or less fragile constructs which permanently have to adapt to challenges generated by non-normative events as well as by normative individual developmental processes. Families do differ considerably with regard to their ability to adapt to developmental demands of their children and to their openness for new solutions for continuing family life.
Families show a variety of ways in which they pay attention to each others' needs, in which they react to developmental changes and regulate the single members' space to live their own interests. Differences in communication behavior are salient not only in parent-child, but also in parent-parent dyads.
The different modalities by which parents and children communicate with one another have long been considered as salient mediators for rules, regulations, and values inside the family. Moreover, as knowledge grew about intricate details of the relatedness between mother-child and father-child communication e. Clarke-Stewart,more concepts emerged carrying a sophisticated view of a family's impact on a child's well-being and the parents' own development Silverberg, Future longitudinal studies have to find out which aspects of verbal and nonverbal communication patterns seem to be prototypical for the establishment of secure relationships within the family, which interaction behavior is supporting or impeding a child's development in his or her family.
We still do not know much about the essentials of the quality of communication patterns within the family at different periods of the child's development. We did accumulate so far some hints but no exact details about the kind of communication context that may contribute directly to the child's feeling of well being or ambivalence, to the possibility or impossibility to regulate emotions within a relationship and to the development of social competence or incompetence in the child.
The eminent role of the fathers, evident also in some of our own results, is still largely unknown in its concrete impact within the complex network of family interactions. Particularly time-specific effects of communication exchanges within the family, the role of the marital communication, and the flexibility of exchange modes should be studied more intensely. Finally, critical transition phases in adult development and their possible impact both on parent-parent communication and family climate represent splendid candidates for those time windows in which future research could be intensified.
Having aggregated now some general information about communication and interaction practices within families, we need more detailed long-term and single-case information. Future perspectives on family research should concentrate on overcoming the still existing huge differences in theoretical frameworks used to design studies on developmental processes. As two different worlds have to merge, the world of individualistic and psychological thinking about child development and the world of interactionistic and sociological thinking about the family as an institution are still too far apart to allow easy exchanges.
Lacking flexibility of creating variables which would fit into both frameworks, wide distance and continuing misunderstandings between the two camps still remain.
Although some progress may have been made, research designs still seem to be committed to quite different worldviews: Mechanistic stand against organismic concepts.
Another obstacle to gain quick access to relevant knowledge is the often-mentioned dissimilarity of socialization practices in different societies and cultures. Of course, these differences should not be neglected or simplified. However, under a relationship-quality perspective, culture-specific patterns of child socialization might be linked to more overarching aspects of necessary adaptation and intergenerational continuation.
Patterns of parent-child relationships may differ among cultures, but they all have to meet a number of universal prerequisites to secure the child's basic needs and to socialize the new member into the common canon of value and norms which links the present with the next generation. A tentative look into the future of family research A general and overarching perspective should be emphasized, when future research on family as developing systems is regarded: As a tentative guideline for future research in the area of family and family development, seven points are listed below: Family research should strongly focus on the analysis of relationships, their quality, history, flexiblity and resiliency under stress.
Nonrelational aspects, such as single members' temperaments, traits, or pathologies should be linked to the various aspects of a family's relationship quality.
In family studies, both verbal and nonverbal exchanges in a relationship should be analyzed. Exchange about objects, persons, and situation is only one aspect in the communication between two people. The other aspect encompasses the regulation of the relationship between the two communicating people, its symmetry or asymmetry and, linked to it, the range of information that can be exchanged.
Although contents and relationship are negotiated in both verbal and nonverbal modes, nonverbal information is crucial for gaining a comprehensive interpretation of meanings conveyed in verbal communication. All relationships in a family have to be regarded when research about families is conducted. By the same token, also all constellations such as dyads, triads, tetrads and so forth must be considered when relationship patterns within families are investigated.
As studies comparing dyadic and triadic interactions have shown, dynamics between the same persons may vary considerably in different constellations. Family research should always keep as a working hypothesis that families are institutions in which, among other functions, the production, maintenance, and transmission of meaning and culture are central. Thus, the production of meaning, the quality of flow of meaning between family members could be a favorite topic.
When analyzing communication and interaction within the family we should try to create more variables depicting relationship characteristics on a molar level. Micro-level analyses, useful for specific questions and elaborations, very often seem to lead to elementaristic and reductionistic interpretations of complex and time-specific behavior patterns. Research could take more effort to look after something like a depth-dimension in human communication.
As a research strategy, family research could concentrate on specific phases where transitions have to be mastered. During a transition phase, the families' modes to handle different interests and divergent problem-solving strategies can be observed in full detail.
A focus on the family's attempts to keep an old or to look for a new state of equilibrium could help better characterize a family's mode to negotiate extant relationships in everyday communication.
New methodological approaches are needed. The follow-up of families through several stages of their lifetime needs to take into account the specific modalities of communication in order to segregate relevant from irrelevant aspects and events.
Both larger representative samples and more detailed longitudinal case studies which can be located in the larger samples are needed. A final thought A look forward seems to be rather meaningless if there is no comparison with a look in to the other direction. Therefore, at the end of this contribution, two general perspectives will be addressed which were formulated by two philosophers who were already mentioned to at the beginning. Both have tried to emphasize the specific role of communication with others and the importance of culture as essential aspects for understanding human nature and behavior.
Both are well known for their critique of an all too mentalistic or cognitivistic approach in the human sciences. Giambattista Vico was a philosopher who made every effort to keep alive a tradition which seemed to be lost after Descartes and during the times of Enlightenment and Rationalism. In his book The new scienceVico argued against the extreme reductionism in Descartes' "cogito" as the only sign of truth for human existence. The discursive production and maintenance of meaning, our main focus in family research, leads us perhaps far back in the history of epistemology.
It carries us into an era of philosophical thinking which was, under a today's perspective, fundamentally different from our view on reality and logic. We enter the period before Descartes, the time of early Humanism and Renaissance, when law and medical sciences were the prototypes for finding general solutions in the sciences.
By this definition they were expressing rather a fundamental moral imperative. Reason is a very inadequate term with which to comprehend the forms of man's cultural life in all their richness and varieties. Some current longitudinal research conducted, for example, at Harvard and in Minneapolis, does show promising tendencies.
Stuart Hauser published just a first attempt of his single case continuation on protective factors which might open a window for new perspectives on relevant factors of family life for individual developmental progress. The Minneapolis longitudinal study which follows children and their attachment status in infancy over adolescence into their establishments of romantic relationships during early adulthood represents another promising attempt to gain information about the impact of relationship quality on the course of individual development Collins, Moreover, family narratives have gained new interest in developmental psychology during the last years.
Parents' ways to talk about their own history, their families of origin, is an important part of the context, in which a child grows up. In a recent publication, Fiese, Sameroff, Grotevant, Wamboldt, Dickstein, and Fravel proposed dimensions like coherence, interaction, and relationship beliefs as relevant aspects for distinguishing families' communication contexts.
Even after Descartes and his reductionistic cognitive solution for the explanation of human existence, we hopefully still find rich thinking alive in science for a more advanced and open vision of the human beings in their interrelatedness with an intergenerational and cultural context. A chapter in the natural history of consciousness. Mental development in the child and the race. A reinterpretation of the direction of effects in studies of socialization.
Psychological Review, 75, A modern introduction to the family. Development Psychology, 17, The determinants of coparenting in families with toddler boys: Spousal differences and daily hassles. Child Development, 66, Preschool Various parenting styles evolve during the preschool years.
Preschoolers with authoritative parents are curious about new experiences, focused and skilled at playself-reliant, self-controlled, and cheerful.
School age During the elementary school years, the child becomes increasingly interested in peers, but this is not be a sign of disinterest in the parent-child relationship. Rather, with the natural broadening of psychosocial and cognitive abilities, the child's social world expands to include more people and settings beyond the home environment.
The parent-child relationship remains the most important influence on the child's development. Children whose parents are both responsive and demanding continue to thrive psychologically and socially during the middle childhood years. During the school years, the parent-child relationship continues to be influenced by the child and the parents.
In most families, patterns of interaction between parent and child are well established in the elementary school years.
Developing Interdependence in Children
Adolescence As the child enters adolescencebiological, cognitive, and emotional changes transform the parent-child relationship. The child's urges for independence may challenge parents' authority.
Many parents find early adolescence a difficult period. Adolescents fare best and their parents are happiest when parents can be both encouraging and accepting of the child's needs for more psychological independence.
Although the value of peer relations grows during adolescence, the parent-child relationship remains crucial for the child's psychological development. Authoritative parenting that combines warmth and firmness has the most positive impact on the youngster's development.
Adolescents who have been reared authoritatively continue to show more success in school, better psychological development, and fewer behavior problems. Adolescence may be a time of heightened bickering and diminished closeness in the parent-child relationship, but most disagreements between parents and young teenagers are over less important matters, and most teenagers and parents agree on the essentials.
By late adolescence most children report feeling as close to their parents as they did during elementary school. Parenting styles Parenting has four main styles: Although no parent is consistent in all situations, parents do follow some general tendencies in their approach to childrearing, and it is possible to describe a parent-child relationship by the prevailing style of parenting.
These descriptions provide guidelines for both professionals and parents interested in understanding how variations in the parent-child relationship affect the child's development. Parenting style is shaped by the parent's developmental history, education, and personality; the child's behavior; and the immediate and broader context of the parent's life. Also, the parent's behavior is influenced by the parent's work, the parents' marriage, family finances, and other conditions likely to affect the parent's behavior and psychological well-being.
In addition, parents in different cultures, from different social classes, and from different ethnic groups rear their children differently. In any event, children's behavior and psychological development are linked to the parenting style with which they are raised.
Authoritarian parents Authoritarian parents are rigid in their rules; they expect absolute obedience from the child without any questioning.
They also expect the child to accept the family beliefs and principles without questions. Authoritarian parents are strict disciplinarians, often relying on physical punishment and the withdrawal of affection to shape their child's behavior.
Children raised with this parenting style are often moody, unhappy, fearful, and irritable. They tend to be shy, withdrawn, and lack self-confidence. If affection is withheld, the child commonly is rebellious and antisocial. Authoritative parents Authoritative parents show respect for the opinions of each of their children by allowing them to be different. Although there are rules in the household, the parents allow discussion if the children do not understand or agree with the rules.
These parents make it clear to the children that although they the parents have final authority, some negotiation and compromise may take place. Authoritative parents are both responsive and demanding; they are firm, but they discipline with love and affection, rather than power, and they are likely to explain rules and expectations to their children instead of simply asserting them. This style of parenting often results in children who have high self-esteem and are independent, inquisitive, happy, assertive, and interactive.
Permissive parents Permissive indulgent parents have little or no control over the behavior of their children. If any rules exist in the home, they are followed inconsistently. Underlying reasons for rules are given, but the children decide whether they will follow the rule and to what extent. They learn that they can get away with any behavior.
Indulgent parents are responsive but not especially demanding. They have few expectations of their children and impose little or inconsistent discipline. There are empty threats of punishment without setting limits. Role reversal occurs; the children act more like the parents, and the parents behave like the children. Children of permissive parents may be disrespectful, disobedient, aggressive, irresponsible, and defiant. They are insecure because they lack guidelines to direct their behavior.
However, these children are frequently creative and spontaneous. Although low in both social responsibility and independence, they are usually more cheerful than the conflicted and irritable children of authoritarian parents. Disengaged parents Finally, disengaged detached parents are neither responsive nor demanding.
They may be careless or unaware of the child's needs for affection and discipline. Children whose parents are detached have higher numbers of psychological difficulties and behavior problems than other youngsters. Parental concerns Child's development is affected by family conditions such as divorce, remarriage, and parental employment. The parent-child relationship has a more important influence on the child's psychological development than changes in the composition of the household.
Parenting that is responsive and demanding is related to healthier child development regardless of the parent's marital or employment status. If changes in the parent's marital status or work life disrupt the parent-child relationship, short-term effects on the child's behavior may be noticeable.
One goal of professionals who work with families under stress is to help them reestablish healthy patterns of parent-child interaction. Discipline is also a concern of parents. Children's behavior offers challenges to even the most experienced and effective parents.
The manner in which parents respond to a child's behavior has an effect on the child's self-esteem and future interactions with others.
Children learn to view themselves in the same way the parent views them. Thus, if the parent views the child as wild, the child begins to view himself that way and soon his actions consistently reinforce his self image. This way, the child does not disappoint the parent. This pattern is a self-fulfilling prophecy. While discipline in necessary to teach a child how to live comfortably in society, it should not be confused with punishment.
Coping —In psychology, a term that refers to a person's patterns of response to stress. Culture —A test in which a sample of body fluid is placed on materials specially formulated to grow microorganisms. A culture is used to learn what type of bacterium is causing infection. Discipline —In health care, a specific area of preparation or training, i. Family —Two or more emotionally involved people living in close proximity and having reciprocal obligations with a sense of commonness, caring, and commitment.
Moving from Rewards and Punishment to Reason and Love. For All Things a Season: